Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review
Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review is political science's premier scholarly research journal on Indonesian politics, providing peer-reviewed articles and review essays from subfields throughout the discipline. Areas covered: local politics, ethics and politics, public policy, and others. Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review has published continuously since 2016 with registered number ISSN 2477-8060 (print), ISSN 2503-4456 (online). Published by Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang in cooperation with The Indonesian Inter-University Association for Political Science (APSIPOL).
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<![CDATA[Contending Views and Power Struggle within Islam: The Clash of Religious Discourse and Citizenship in Contemporary Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Makhasin, Luthfi]]>;
<![CDATA[Sugiarto, Bowo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.25692
<![CDATA[In the last 20 years, the ‘conservative turn’ toward overtly Islamic identity in Indonesia paved the way for raising political Islamism. This political Islamism aspires to the continuing Islamization, implementation of sharia, and even the establishment of a global caliphate. Emerging Islamist forces such as Front Pembela Islam, Jemaah Tarbiyah, and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia along with the conservative turn, therefore, pose the normative-political challenges to both republican and liberal notions of citizenship. This paper deals with the question of religion and citizenship under the democratic space in contemporary Indonesia. By examining three variants of Islamic citizenship, religion vigilant, pragmatic, and rejectionist citizenship, this paper tries to address the following question: to what extent Islamism challenges the discourse of citizenship in contemporary Indonesia? We argue that while Islamism apparently rises and gains followers, the state and mainstream Muslim organizations (Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah), and their emphasis on Pancasila and commitment to NKRI successfully manage to reconcile Islam and citizenship under democratic space.]]>
<![CDATA[Candidacy Transformation as Electability Factor of the Legislative Candidate from Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Legislative Election 2004-2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Ummah, Siti Muslikhatul]]>;
<![CDATA[Rivai, Ardian Bakhtiar]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.21963
<![CDATA[This article discusses candidacy transformation which is previously characterized as inclusive-exclusive to inclusive-pragmatic of Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS) in the legislative election. The argument is based on the woman candidacy processes of PKS legislative candidates within different legislative election periods namely 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2019. Based on the collected data, the 2009 General Election is the momentum where the most significant legislative seats are acquired by female candidates compared to the other three legislative elections. That phenomenon is this study’s starting point in this article that explores the factors of PKS woman candidate electability, which are each candidate’s social and political capital. This article's conceptual framework is the narration of male power relation as the effort to win seats for PKS woman legislative candidates, which is obtained from the relation with local elites in their respective areas in the 2019 General Election. In contrast to the three previous general elections, the PKS woman legislative candidate electability was sourced from their political and organizational experience and social network in the society. Through a qualitative case study, this article uses interviews as the primary data source, while related documentation and publication as secondary data.]]>
<![CDATA[Local People's Political Thought Against Changes in Elite Political Decrees of the Ruler ]]>
<![CDATA[Hadiati, Tri Lestari]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Darmawan Tri Budi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.26577
<![CDATA[Local people in the North Semarang area continue to aggregate and articulate critical political thoughts, pressing political thinking, and having a strong influence on the ruling elite's political decisions in the city of Semarang. This has been done by local people starting in 2004 until now—for example, Kanjengan Mall in the Johar market area, which investors from PT contracted. Pagar Gunung Kencana, in 2004 has expired. However, Jamaah Peduli Dugder in the North Semarang who always monitor the area say, there is still a development of the Johar market area, the Kauman area, and Malay villages that are not right and lack the attention of local elites and slow development. This research problem formulation is how does the community build the strength of its political thinking? The purpose of this study is to analyze the results of local people's political thinking on changes in elite political decisions and to analyze them with the approach of the power of civil society. This research's methodology was qualitative methodology, which was supplemented by descriptive analysis, including conducting in-depth interviews. In addition to primary data collection, secondary data collection from relevant documents was then analyzed. The conclusion of the political thinking of the local community on the Dugderan tradition is very strong. This resulted in a change in the political decisions of the elite who were then pro-local people.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Interests and the Common Goods in Public Religion ]]>
<![CDATA[Amin, Harris Usman]]>;
<![CDATA[Darwin, Muhadjir]]>;
<![CDATA[Ikhwan, Hakimul]]>;
<![CDATA[Syamsiyatun, Siti]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.26757
<![CDATA[This research explores the Gerakan Salat Subuh Berjamaah (GSSB)/Dawn Congregation Prayer Movement in the city government of Palembang. This policy using religious instruments has been implemented for approximately four years and has received recognition and appreciation from several parties for its benefits to the people and government of Palembang city. This research is qualitative research with a case study method, conducted for three months in Palembang City. The study results conclude that the GSSB policy created a public religion where religion enters the public sphere to fulfil the political actor's political interests (Mayor) and realize the “common goods†of Palembang city.]]>
<![CDATA[Parliament Opposition Strategy in Indonesia (Case Study of Gerindra Party During Joko Widodo and Jusuf Kalla's Era 2014-2019) ]]>
<![CDATA[Rachman, Muhammad Ridho]]>;
<![CDATA[Wardhani, Sri Budi Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.21550
<![CDATA[This research analyzes parliament opposition in Indonesia by Gerindra Party (2014-2019) as a party whose consistently outside the government and functioning as an opposition party. How is it implemented, and what kind of strategy Gerindra performs to influence the parliamentary decision-making process? To answer this, the study uses qualitative methods by collecting data through literature review, data tracking, and in-depth interviews. The theoretical perspective in this research used Steinack's argument about the opposition strategy who states that the behavior of the opposition party in parliament is the accumulation of the impact of the structural and institutional factors, socio-demographic, and party’s informal rules of engagement. The research found that as an opposition party, Gerindra focuses on content-oriented strategies using the area of public policymaking as a medium of political interplays such as at the commission level or other work units.]]>
<![CDATA[Democracy under Threat: Study of the Implementation of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to the Management of Natural Resources in Riau Province ]]>
<![CDATA[Marta, Auradian]]>;
<![CDATA[Agustino, Leo]]>;
<![CDATA[Jermsittiparsert, Kittisak]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.21272
<![CDATA[This article discusses why the failure to fulfill indigenous peoples' rights in managing natural resources in Riau Province will pose a threat to democracy. The empirical phenomenon in Riau Province showed that even though regulations in recognition and protection existed, conflicts in forest management and land belonging to indigenous peoples continued to occur. This study uses qualitative research methods by collecting data through interviews and documents. The results show that the non-fulfillment of indigenous peoples' rights in managing natural resources will lead to injustice, discrimination, and economic inequality. It will ultimately have implications for the decline in the quality of democracy and the government regime's legitimacy. The implementation of indigenous peoples' rights in managing natural resources in Riau Province is limited to democratic rhetoric. The conclusion in this study is that violations of indigenous peoples' rights will contribute to democratic de-consolidation.]]>
<![CDATA[The Multiple Identities of Penghayat: Cilacap and the Moral Politics Issues on the Failure of their Candidate in 2019-Election ]]>
<![CDATA[Khoirnafiya, Siti]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.21138
<![CDATA[This article discusses the 2019 Indonesia’s election with the minority group issues of Penghayat. This research discusses their participation in elections, not only as voters but as the candidate nominated by them. However, the candidate nominated by them failed to become members of the DPRD although according to their estimation, the number of voters exceeded the target. An important factor that the failure tendency is related to the multiple identities’ issues, which are not only related to ethnicity and religion but also moral politics. This paper does not only criticize the idea of identity politics which describes the uniformity of identity but also criticizes political practices that negate morality.]]>
<![CDATA[New Political Empowerment: Transcending Discourse Contestation between Caring versus Subjugation ]]>
<![CDATA[Tohari, Amin]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.22832
<![CDATA[This article focuses on political empowerment discourse between caring politics versus subjugation politics. Through a literature study on empowerment, the writer finds that the empowerment realm has been in a tension between a group that perceives it as a caring action against another group that understands it as a subjugation. Each group has been developing arguments that support their perspective on empowerment. For the group that supports empowerment as caring action, the most important thing is an achievement. They scrutinize the indicators of success and failure, best practices, lessons learned, and many others. On the other hand, the group that views empowerment as subjugation considers it is inherently oppressive. Empowerment is nothing more than a veil that covers the power interest in disciplining poor people to conform to certain standards. Therefore, it is imperative to have a more transformative paradigm to see empowerment as emancipatory politics.]]>
<![CDATA[Tandem in General Election Campaign 2019: A Strategy Supported by Political Parties and Political Patronage ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahman, Fathur]]>;
<![CDATA[Sujoko, Anang]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.24928
<![CDATA[This study examines the Tandem campaign's impact in a general election as a strategy, supported by the party, and political patronage in Indonesia. Tandem is a campaign for more than one candidate. The investigation finds that tandem not only has the parallel model in numbering tandem with candidates from the People‘s Representatives Council (DPR) and the Regional People’s Representatives Council (DPRD), but the zigzag model also applies because of agreement from candidates. This pattern is supported by the political party, so the parliamentary threshold can be achieved, accounting for 4 % in DPR and 15 % in DPRD. During Regional Leaders Election (Pilkada), a political party can promote its candidate for a regional leader without paying another candidate from another party. Tandem can grow political patronage, and the candidates for DPR can be patrons of the DPRD candidates. This is because DPR members have many resources while candidates for DPRD as clients understand no further than the condition in their electoral district and social-political behavior, or they can even serve as broker-vote buyers. We hypothesize that this is a part of finding a solution to political costs in general elections. ]]>
<![CDATA[Bureaucracy and Political Parties: Political Clientelism in Contestation of Power in Tanjung Jabung Timur Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad, Hatta Abdi]]>;
<![CDATA[Yusuf, Muhammad]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.24026
<![CDATA[Political relation with bureaucracy is an essential concern because the contestation of power in the regions has conflicted with democratization and the principle of bureaucratic neutrality. Recent studies point out the politicization of bureaucracy in placing positions and government decision-making processes, but the discussion about political party patron-client with bureaucracy is very limited. This paper discusses explicitly the clientelism of political parties with the civil servants in the election of public officials in the Tanjung Jabung Timur regency. This study applies a descriptive qualitative methodology to analyze the depth of phenomena that has been happening by using secondary and primary data from various informants. Various data are coded, analyzed interactively, and confirmed its validity, then presented systematically. The results show that the leaders in the regions only experience a shift in the party while the actor's character still owned the legacy of the New Order regime. The central locus of patronage is still concentrated in political parties; National Mandate Party has a clientelism networking through the dominance of a bureaucratic structure with a promotion-degradation system. The civil servants change the resources to maintain a position or even to get a higher one. This paper's implication showed that civil servants' performance is relatively based on loyalty to the ruling party rather than using a merit system. This paper underlines the main challenge of democracy in the region and bureaucratic reform, and it is the massive informal political practices that are considered reasonable.]]>
